Monday, March 1, 2010
Wednesday, December 2, 2009
February and March of 1943
March 1, 1942
March 1, 1942, Goebbels wrote in his diary, “Even entertainment can be politically of special value, because the moment a person is conscious of propaganda, propaganda becomes ineffective.” [Rentschler, 259]
I found the timing of this entry interesting, as it is clear at this point that Goebbels knew the power of propaganda but also how necessary it was going to be in the near future. In December of 1941, the German troops got frozen in outside of Moscow, a terrible blow for the army of the Third Reich. Furthermore, after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in the same month, Germany was also facing the prospect of fighting a fresh army from the most powerful industrial nation in the World. These external blows aside, Goebbels was also going to have to control information from within the Reich. On January 20, 1942, at the Wannsee Conference, the “final solution” of the Jewish people was decided, followed shortly thereafter by the beginning of deportation of the Jews to the death camps. While many Germans were anti-Semitic, the extreme nature of the “final solution” was going to have to be artfully concealed. Luckily for Goebbels, German audiences attended the movies 14 times a year on average, and all film distribution was under a central authority. His entertainment was most certainly going to have to be goods and of special value, because of all times it is at this moment when Goebbels needed effective propaganda.
die Weiße Rose
I didn't know what the White rose even was, so it naturally caught my attention. The White Rose was composed mostly of students, and a few professors at the University of Munich who wrote and printed leaflets that were decidedly anti nazi.
The leaflets dealt with deportation and murder of Jews and were opposed to the blind nationalism and militarism in Germany. The students called for justice, and the leaflets were widely distributed in many major German cities.
Hans and Sophie Scholl were arrested by the Gestapo on the 18th after distributing leaflets at the university. They were extensively interrogated, but reportedly remained firm. On the 22nd they were tried by the Volksgerichtshof, and beheaded later that day, on account of treason.
I am impressed with the courage [or perhaps idealistic naivete] of these students. Although it may appear that their efforts may have been rather futile, the fast and harsh action against them by the Gestapo suggest that they were being effective, insofar as they were noticed and considered threatening.
Investments in Propaganda
The initial creation of the Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda in March of 1933 was declared by Hitler as responsible “for all tasks related to the spiritual guidance of the nation, to the promotion of the state, culture, and the economy, to the promulgation of information to domestic and foreign sources about the nation as well as the administration of all the agencies responsible for these endeavors” (228). The investments that the Third Reich made in radio, press, film, and theater throughout the duration of the war reveal the importance of the role that all types propaganda played in the promotion of Nazi ideology. In the film industry alone the Third Reich released over 1,000 feature films from 1933 to 1945 (225). Although many of these films were successful in propagating Nazi ideology to the masses, I find it particularly interesting that as the Third Reich began to fall to the Allies in 1945, Goebbels stoically declared: “The great hour has arrived for German propaganda” (269). Ironically, Goebbels was most likely well aware of the Reich’s fast approaching collapse, and we now know that German propaganda alone, 'emotionally engineered' intellectually based, would not be enough to sustain the future of Nazi Germany.
Holding out till the bitter end
Allied forces and their understanding of propaganda
Basically, it would be interesting to know which films the Allied forces censored, and where they fit on the "successful/unsuccessful" and "overtly/covertly propaganda" spectrums -- to see how much overlap there is between the various categories.
Shareholders of the Third Reich
This passage on p. 255 of Rentschler's book typified the position of the Third Reich in response to many of its actions in the early 1940s; we do it for the good of the nation, therefore it is a justifiably good thing. Yet there really is no distinction between the former "majority shareholders" that ran the film industry and the film industry under the rule of Hitler and Goebbels. Just as they did with the German government, the Nazi party organized a hostile takeover of the film industry insuring that they were the ones in charge. More importantly, this was done without a democratic means as chosen by the people. Hitler, Goebbels, and the rest of the Ministry of Propaganda were as much shareholders as their predecessors in the film industry. Their chief profit goal may not have been financial, but they invested a lot of time, money, and resources into the film industry in order to win the support of the German people. Therefore, it's clear that there is very little difference between the former "majority shareholders" and the then-current "national leadership."
Striving for Mediocrity?
One thing that struck me from the appendix was Goebbels’ quote on page 251, where he says that “we have only good films and bad films. We lack the serviceable middle range.” The first thing that is interesting about this quote is that Goebbels seems to want mediocre films. Instead of striving for only good films, he wants films that are good, bad and in the middle. I don’t know if he is referring to the quality of the film or the quality of the propaganda but either way, it seems odd that a high ranking Nazi officer would strive for mediocrity instead of demanding the best. The second thing that strikes me is that maybe Goebbels’ mind works on a binary scale that can only register movies as good or bad. Since he views the films in terms of their quality of propaganda and the message that they send to the audience, he might make one conclusive decision on a film instead of wavering. This seems to me to be similar to the binaries that were prevalent in Nazi thinking, like good vs. bad, clean vs. dirty, German vs. the other.
Flight to the Moon
So the question we have for you, Herr Goebbels, is this - Where or how does such a film as Münchhausen, in all its absurdity and even surreptitious argument against your cause, fall into this category of proper films? Does this still somehow fall under your propaganda plans? Fortunately, as you yourself stated, propaganda must be a subtle thing, lest it immediately lose its effectiveness, and this film is certainly subtle in varying nuances.
But surely not that subtle.
Herr Goebbels, it seems you have fallen prey to propaganda yourself. The fact that Münchhausen was clearly allowed under your permission to be produced and shown to the audiences of Germany shows nothing but your blindness to the film's propaganda, surfacing time and time again throughout the piece, just under your very nose. Or perhaps we could say that with the hard times, Herr Goebbels, the faltering hope of the Nazi party led to your own faltering strictness and formerly stern regulations on what moves the powerful propaganda pawn of the film industry could execute in the game against Germany's enemies. It seems that being cornered ever more tightly, Münchhausen was a final sign of surrender when there were no other moves left.
Appendix 1940-1945
They're Onto You, Mr. Goebbels
To carry on with the topic of the Allied understanding of the threat of German propaganda, I found it very interesting to read that MGM was ordered in August of 1940 to close its German offices. This is a clear indication that the non-German film industry was starting to understand how works were being used for manipulative purposes. This brings me to the last point I wanted to touch on. On September 28, 1945, the Allies met to decide how German films were to be censored following the war, which shows very clearly that films were viewed as potentially dangerous. The result was that German films were not allowed to be shown in German cinemas that met certain criteria. I thought this was especially intriguing because I had never previously considered how a cinema can influence an audience’s political views. It is obvious how films can do such things, but it had never occurred to me that certain atmospheres can project specified political messages. This is likely due to the fact that modern American cinemas generally consist of neon lights and lots of bright colors advertising whatever food and drinks are available, which all the more displays the stark contrast between what is now the “normal” cinematic experience in America and what the experience was in Germany 65 years ago.
Censorship
Some thoughts on what Goebbels has to say...
Tuesday, December 1, 2009
Blog post for December 1-3
Thursday, November 19, 2009
Wednesday, November 18, 2009
Münchhausen Post
I have a feeling that if I tried to figure out at exactly which point in their logic the two authors began to disagree, I'd be writing an essay, not a blog, so I'm only going to talk about one particular scene in which they took different opinions.
At the end of the film, the butler turns off the electric light, signaling the end of the film. But the painting of the baron comes to life once more to blow out the candles, and the smoke from the candles signals the real ending of the film by spelling out "Ende." According to Schulte-Sasse, this double ending has two functions. First, it highlights our ambivalence to the ending of the film (and our recognition that it is a film!) in much the same way that Münchhausen prefers Christian's death on the moon where he fades into smoke rather than the rot of earthly death. Second, it also shows more generally Nazi cinema as an apparatus of propaganda; Münchhausen sits in his portrait and is subject to his place in time, but there is some other element which makes him not content to stay there, so he reaches out of his portrait into a new time.
Rentschler, on the other hand, sees this as a final demonstration of the ultimate Fascist power. Baron Münchhausen has such control over his destiny that he even "stages his final act and thus determines how he will enter history" (Rentschler 210). This reminds me of how Hitler asked for drawings of his grandiose buildings hundreds of years in the future, as they lay in ruins. Rentschler also suggests that this ending in smoke, when viewed with the death of Kuchenreutter, represents the Nazis desire to make mortality more poetic and intimate. This was especially important to the Nazi propaganda machine after the disaster of Stalingrad.
Moon Fantasy
One scene discussed in Rentschler’s article about Munchhausen that struck me the most was the moon scene. Rentschler discussed the significance of the fantasy planet where women’s heads could be separated from their bodies so that the men would not have to worry about promiscuity and the women would be able to stay home and do housework. This reading did not even cross my mind as I was viewing the film but it is interesting to discuss in terms of the Nazi fantasy of male domination. While I can definitely see this reading, I wonder what the role of the moon in the film says about this fantasy.
The flight to the moon is obviously not a realistic venture, as one could not fly in a hot-air balloon and end up landing right on the moon. In fact, the moon setting is so unrealistic and mocking that it cannot be considered to be a plausible reality. Additionally, man cannot survive on the moon for very long (except for Munchhausen) because each day is a year. These facts seem to suggest that the idea of the ideal woman (whose head can be separated from her body) who can be controlled and monitored is not only implausible but also undesirable. While that one aspect of the moon can be read as being in line with Nazi fantasy, because it is combined with quick aging, a lack of appropriate nourishment and a short life span, it becomes undesirable and may not be able to be viewed as an attractive fantasy. Perhaps this means that the ideal is unattainable or it could even be mocking it but it does not seem to me that the film portrays it in a positive light.
"I Thought I'd Be Welcomed with Turkish Coffee"
I greatly appreciated Rentschler's approach to Münchhausen as it helped explain in many ways how the Nazis, and particularly Goebbels, were capable of using this film to their advantage, paying no expense in the process. However, I am curious about one thing in particular that I would like to raise here in the form of a question...why did Rentschler not focus on the fact that many parts of this film are out right hilarious? I ask this realizing that it could be that I am reading my own viewing of this film into it way to much, and maybe the film was not meant to be funny when it was released in 1943. However, I do not see how one could not possibly laugh at what Münchhausen says to the Turks after his cannonball flight is over. To me, this scene and what he says is absolutely hysterical. Vehemently, Münchhausen apologizes for his intrusion, explains he had meant a reconnaissance but his gunner aimed at their priceless fortress. Then, he yells a traditional Arab greeting (Asalaam 'Alaykum...peace be upon you) and proceeds to say that he will come down, introduces himself, and once he is tied up, says that he thought he would be welcomed with Turkish coffee. This is only one example, and it certainly plays into the fantastic nature of the film, and so I just wonder if the fantasy was supposed to act in a comedic way at all since it was so outrageous at times. It seems that humor, along with fantasy, would have been increasingly important as a means of distraction in Germany at that time, given, as Rentschler points out, the country had just suffered a major defeat at Stalingrad and was under constant air raids by the Allies.